leaders went underground. But as soon as Ali was elected caliph, they came out, and began
to demand action from him in apprehending the rebels who had killed Uthman.
The leaders of the first group decided to challenge
Ali. It was the opinion of Ayesha, who was one of them, and who was already in Makkah,
that they should attack Medina because the murderer or murderers of Uthman were all there.
But Talha and Zubayr, the other two leaders, who had told Ali that they were going to
Makkah to perform Umra (the lesser pilgrimage), disagreed with her, and said:
"O mother of the believers! Forget Medina. Our
army cannot fight against the rebels who are there. We have, therefore, to go to
Basra." (Tabari, History, Vol. III)
Ayesha, Talha and Zubayr, the leaders of the first
group, had an army; they had the weapons and they had the money, and yet they shied away
from attacking Medina because they lacked the strength to overcome the rebels. If they
could not fight against the rebels even though they had an army, how could Ali who did not
have an army, fight against them?
If Ayesha, Talha and Zubayr sincerely wanted
vengeance, they ought to have attacked Medina instead of going hundreds of miles across
the desert to Basra. But they could see that the rebels were simply too many to be
penalized. The people of Medina, of Egypt, of Kufa and of Basra, were all embroiled in the
murder of Uthman, directly or indirectly. There were those companions who wrote letters to
the rebel leaders, and invited them to Medina, and there were those Muhajireen and Ansar
who gave their moral support to them (to the rebels). Without their tacit support, the
rebels might never have dared to kill the incumbent khalifa in his own house.
There were two ways of penalizing the murderer(s) of
Uthman. One was to kill every man who had taken part, directly or indirectly, in his
murder regardless of who he was a Muhajir, an Ansar, an Egyptian or an Iraqi. This
was clearly impossible. But if it were possible, the State still could not kill thousands
of men in retaliation for the murder of one man.
The other way was to investigate the murder,
apprehend the real culprit or culprits, bring them to trial, and in the event of the crime
being proved, to execute him or them. Ali was more than willing to adopt this course but
first he had to restore law and order in the country after the anarchy and chaos that had
lasted many months.
Uthman's murder was not the result of any sudden
provocation that he gave. Long and protracted negotiations had preceded the crime itself.
He was murdered after the failure of all those negotiations. Delegations came to see him
from distant cities, and told him about the excesses of his governors. He promised to
remedy the situation but he failed to keep his promise.
When a delegation reminded him of his own pledge to
dismiss one of his governors, he said:
"You are suggesting that I should dismiss those
of my governors whom you do not happen to like, and that I should appoint men of your
choice to run the government. If I were to act upon your wishes, I would become a
nonentity, and you would be exercising all governmental authority and not I." (Tarikh
Kamil - Ibn Atheer, Vol. III, p. 86)
The delegates were incensed by Uthman's answer, and
they said:
"You lack the ability to set right the wrongs
of your government. You must, therefore, abdicate from khilafat. If you do not, we shall
be compelled to take some drastic step."
Uthman said:
"Are you threatening to kill me? If so, then
what is the crime for the commission of which you would kill me? In Islam, execution is
the penalty for:
(a) murder of some innocent person;
(b) apostasy;
(c) rape of a chaste woman.
I have not committed any of these crimes. On what
other ground you want to kill me?"
The delegates' reply was as follows:
"For those men who spread mischief on earth, or
usurp the rights of others, the penalty prescribed in the Book of God is execution. You
have wantonly abused the powers of government. You banished from Medina a most honorable
companion of the Apostle of God, and your lackeys have beaten up other friends of his. You
have foisted drunkards and apostates upon the umma as its rulers. You and your governors
have terrorized and tyrannized the Muslims, and have usurped their rights. You have done
all this and more. Even so, if you abdicate voluntarily, we shall not meddle with you, and
will leave you in peace."
But Uthman did not want to abdicate because, he
said, that the khilafat was a "robe" which God had given him, and he could not
take it off.
God can, of course, give the robe of khilafat to any
one He wishes. But the robe of khilafat which Uthman was wearing, was given to him, not by
God, but by Abdur Rahman bin Auf!
This dialogue makes it plain that the people took
the last, desperate step only when everything else failed. They were convinced that
Uthman's execution was right. Their conviction was further strengthened by the words and
the deeds of such dignitaries as Ayesha, Talha, Zubayr and Amr bin Aas each of whom had
prescribed death for him, directly or indirectly.
Uthman and "Abdullah bin Saba"
The khilafat of Uthman had saddled the Muslims with
a crippled government, and the host of economic, political and social dislocations that
sprang from it, were met by an uncertain and often contradictory response. The
dislocations eventually caused the death of the khalifa himself.
Many Sunni historians find it very difficult to
admit that Uthman brought destruction upon himself. They are desperately anxious to
"explain" or to rationalize why things went awry in his khilafat. But how? Their
anxiety led them to create a mysterious and a sinister character whom they called
"Abdullah bin Saba."
The creation of Abdullah bin Saba "solved"
many of the problems of the Sunni historians. He made transference of guilt possible for
them. According to his creators, he was a Jew from Yemen who had accepted Islam, migrated
to Medina, and then went around preaching false and heretical doctrines, and spreading
disaffection and hatred against Uthman. He was, they claim, responsible for all the
sorrows and misfortunes, and eventually, for the death itself, of Uthman!
Abdullah bin Saba, it appears, suddenly became the
most powerful figure in the entire Dar-ul-Islam. After all, it was he who toppled a
khalifa from his throne, and threw the whole government of the Muslims into disarray.
What Abdullah bin Saba was doing, was high treason.
Was anything easier for Marwan to do than to capture him and kill him for his treason, if
he was in Medina? Or, was anything easier for a provincial governor or even for a petty
official than to seize him, and to snuff out his life, if he was in one of the provinces?
No. But for some mysterious reason, he swaggered from town to town and from province to
province, flaying the khalifa, and no one ever touched him. He apparently lived a charmed
existence!
It is amazing that Uthman could banish such a
high-ranking companion of Muhammad Mustafa as Abu Dharr el-Ghiffari to Rabza (Abu Dharr
died in Rabza); he could beat up Ammar ibn Yasir into unconsciousness, and he could break
the ribs of Abdullah ibn Masood, both most distinguished companions of Muhammad; yet he
could give free rein to Amr bin Aas and "Abdullah bin Saba" to rouse the Muslims
against himself with their stinging diatribes.
When Uthman was killed, "Abdullah bin
Saba" probably figured that he had accomplished his mission, and he went
"underground." But only a few months later, he "resurfaced" on the eve
of the battle of Basra (the battle of the Camel). It was, his creators claim, he who was
responsible for that deplorable battle. However, during or immediately after the battle,
he disappeared again, and this time he disappeared forever. It is truly remarkable that he
could vanish without leaving a trail or a trace behind him. His act of vanishing was so
perfect as if he had never "existed."
Actually, the "necessity" which had led to
the invention of Abdullah bin Saba, had ceased to exist. His creators, therefore, junked
him. But even today, he is exhumed from time to time when Sunni historians want to
"explain" the unpalatable facts of that epoch.
Dr. Taha Husain, the modern Egyptian historian, has
exploded the Abdullah bin Saba myth in his book, al-Fitna-tul-Kubra. He has pointed out
that Tabari is the first historian who wrote about Abdullah bin Saba. He heard about him
from one Umar bin Saif. Abdullah bin Saba was born in the head of Umar bin Saif. But in
the sources before Tabari, Abdullah bin Saba has not been mentioned anywhere. This is
strange because such an important "personage" as Abdullah bin Saba who disrupted
the Muslim society in the times of Uthman, should have received no notice from pre-Tabari
historians.
Dr. Taha Husain further raises the question that
even if it is assumed that Abdullah bin Saba was preaching false and heretical doctrines,
was it he who "tempted" Uthman to appoint a character like Marwan as his prime
minister? The Muhajireen and the Ansar resented Marwan's elevation since in their sight he
was little more than a leper. And was Uthman acting upon the advice and guidance of
Abdullah bin Saba when he dismissed the governors of the provinces who had been appointed
by Umar bin al-Khattab, and appointed his own relatives in their stead? This was one of
the major causes of disaffection in the provinces.
The story of Abdullah bin Saba is a typical attempt
at an in-house whitewash. But the whitewash has not been white enough!
If on the one hand, the apologists of Uthman have
created such a mythical character as Abdullah bin Saba to mask his (Uthman's) misjudgment
and misgovernment, on the other they have chosen to deny the truth of the facts of
history. In many of the writings on early Islamic history, appearing in recent years,
Uthman's apologists have gone to the extent of denying that he dismissed any of the
governors appointed by Abu Bakr or Umar, or, that there was anything reprehensible in it
if he did so, or, that he committed any other error.
It is entirely the business and the prerogative of
the protagonists of Uthman if they wish to live with falsehood and deception or rather
with self-deception. But bitter and unpleasant truths will not just vanish merely because
someone does not like them. This is what the modern Egyptian historian, Dr. Taha Husain,
writes on this subject in his book, al-Fitna-tul-Kubra (The Great Upheaval):
"We should not follow those people who deny the
veracity of the reports which have come down to us about the disputes and the
disagreements of the companions of Muhammad, the Prophet of Islam, and the disturbances
which took place at the same time. If we do that, we shall, in effect, be denying the
entire basis of the history of Islam, from the time the Prophet proclaimed his mission.
Those men who reported the disagreements of the companions, and who reported the political
upheavals of their time, are the same who reported the early struggles, the campaigns, the
conquests, and the life (Sira) of the Prophet and the khulafa (Abu Bakr and Umar). In this
matter, we are not free to pick and choose. We cannot take only what we like and reject
what we dislike. We cannot call some reports true and others false.
"One thing about which there can be no doubt is
that Muslims were divided in the matter of Uthman, and their divisions ended in his death,
and they have never been reunited since.
"But those divisions and disagreements had
their causes. It is true that Muslims killed Uthman but they did not do so without any
causes or reasons." (al- Fitna-tul-Kubra {The Great Upheaval}, published in Cairo in
1959)